The U.S. Latino population reached 62.5 million in 2021, accounting for 19% of the U.S. population—up from 13% in 2000. Since then, Latinos have been the largest contributor to U.S. population growth, accounting for 54% of the growth. By 2060, the Latino population is projected to increase to 111.2 million, or 28% of the U.S. population (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. Projected Growth of the Latino Population by Number and Share, 2000-2060

Source: Data for 2000 are based on LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online. Data for 2021 are based on the 2021 American Community Survey. Data for 2040 and 2060 are based on Census Bureau projections, available online.

As immigration from Latin America has slowed, the demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of the Latino population have shifted significantly. Furthermore, given that the Latino population is racially, culturally, linguistically, and socioeconomically diverse, it is difficult to make broad generalizations about Latino well-being that apply to all Latino groups. This data brief aims to highlight the population’s generational changes over the past two decades, including the progress made in areas such as educational attainment and poverty, as well as the socioeconomic diversity of Latinos by descent group. UCLA LPPI invites policymakers and practitioners to focus on the long-term needs of the Latino population and to be mindful of how different Latino groups are uniquely impacted by social, political, and economic barriers. 

Overall Trends

Over the past two decades, Latinos expanded their presence in states across the country, accounting for the bulk of the population growth in many states. Further, while Mexicans remain the largest descent group, other groups—such as Venezuelans, Paraguayans, and Hondurans—grew at a much faster pace.

The Latino population grew most rapidly in the South and the Midwest.

In the past 20 years, states where Latinos historically have not settled in large numbers all experienced substantial Latino population growth—for example, Kentucky (233% growth), South Carolina (207%), Alabama (202%), and Tennessee (199%; see Figure 2). Furthermore, Latino growth outpaced overall population growth in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. North Dakota and South Dakota experienced the fastest growth in the Latino population—333% and 265%, respectively, while total population growth in both states was about 20%. The Latino population still grew significantly in states that saw little growth or a decline in their overall population, such as West Virginia, Michigan, Illinois, and Rhode Island.

Figure 2. Percent Change in the Latino Population by State, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

Between 2000 and 2020, Latinos experienced the most growth of any racial or ethnic group in 26 states and the second most growth in 17 states and the District of Columbia (see Figure 3). In seven states, two other groups grew more than Latinos over this period.

Figure 3. Latino Growth Compared to Other Racial and Ethnic Groups, by State, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

While Mexicans still account for the largest share of U.S. Latinos, the Latino population is diversifying, with the fastest growth occurring among Latinos of Venezuelan, Paraguayan, Honduran, and Guatemalan descent. 

At 36.1 million people, Mexicans make up more than half (59%) of the Latino population in the United States—a share essentially unchanged since 2000. The second largest group is Puerto Ricans (5.5 million or 9%), followed by Salvadorans (2.4 million or 4%), Cubans (2.3 million or 4%), and Dominicans (2.2 million or 4%). 

However, the rate of change over the past two decades varied significantly by Latino descent group (see Figure 4). Due to political and economic instability at home, the number of Latinos of Venezuelan descent in the United States grew more than six-fold. U.S. Latinos of Paraguayan, Honduran, and Guatemalan descent also more than quadrupled, experiencing a growth rate much higher than more established groups, including Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans.

Figure 4. Growth of the Latino Population by Descent Group, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

At the state level, Mexicans are the largest Latino population in 40 out of 50 states, gaining ground since 2000 when they were the largest group in 35 states. Meanwhile, Puerto Ricans are the largest Latino group in 7 states (Connecticut, Hawaii, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, and Pennsylvania), Salvadorans in Maryland and the District of Columbia, Cubans in Florida, and Dominicans in Rhode Island. 

However, states differ significantly in the growth rate of different Latino groups. Figure 5 demonstrates the fastest-growing Latino populations by state in the past two decades. Mexicans and Puerto Ricans remain the fastest-growing groups in states with small Latino populations. However, South American Latinos (colored in shades of blue), including Venezuelans, Uruguayans, and Colombians, experienced the most rapid growth in states where the Latino population was already more established. Central Americans (colored in yellow and orange) grew the fastest on the East Coast and in the Midwest.

Figure 5. Fastest Growing Latino Descent Group by State, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 5% sample and 2016-20 pooled American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

Socioeconomic Trends

As Latinos grew in number and diversity by descent over the past two decades, the population became more diverse socioeconomically as well. Latino groups exhibit significant differences in several key socioeconomic indicators, such as age, poverty, and educational attainment.

Although the Latino population overall is young, some Latino groups, such as Argentineans, Uruguayans, and Cubans, have a much older median age that’s much closer to that of whites.

Like the U.S. population overall, Latinos have been getting older, with the median age increasing from 25 in 2000 to 30 by 2020. Latinos remain the second youngest racial or ethnic group in the United States, after individuals who identify as two or more races (median age of 25). Among different Latino groups, most experienced similar upward trends in median age, with the most significant increase observed for Uruguayans and Venezuelans (see Figure 6). The median ages for Guatemalans, Hondurans, and Cubans remained the same between 2000 and 2020. Only Chileans have gotten younger in the past two decades, with the median age dropping one year to 34.

Figure 6. Median Age of the Latino Population by Descent Group and Other Racial and Ethnic Groups, 2000-2020 

Note: The median ages for Paraguayans in 2000 and 2020 were not included due to large standard errors of the estimates.
Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

A larger share of the Latino population is female—particularly among Latinos of Mexican, Guatemalan, and Salvadoran descent.

In the past two decades, the Latina share of the overall Latino population increased from 49% to 50%. While this change may seem small, the gender composition shift was more pronounced among some descent groups (see Figure 7). Even though Mexicans, Guatemalans, and Salvadorans still consist of slightly more men than women, they experienced significant growth in their Latina shares. Some South American groups, including Paraguayans, Colombians, Ecuadorians, and Peruvians, also increased their Latina shares. In contrast, Panamanians, Chileans, Venezuelans, Argentineans, and Bolivians decreased their Latina shares in the past two decades.

Figure 7. Latina Share of the Latino Population by Descent Group, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

Changes in immigration patterns from Latin American countries and shifts in U.S. immigration policies contributed to the growth in the female share among the Latino population. Border security policies that made border crossing difficult helped create a more settled migrant population and encouraged families to migrate, including women and children.¹ Further, interior deportation priorities, which disproportionately targeted men, also contributed to the increase in the Latina share.² More recently, an increase in the arrival of families and unaccompanied minors from Central American countries also contributed to the gender shift.³

While two-thirds of Latinos overall are U.S. born, Mexicans and Panamanians are more likely to be U.S.-born than others.

Latinos are more likely to be born in the United States now than 20 years ago. In 2020, 68% of Latinos were U.S.-born, compared to 60% in 2000. However, significant differences exist in the U.S.-born share by descent group. Puerto Ricans are, by nature, the Latino group with the highest U.S.-born share (98%), because most are U.S. citizens by birth. Latinos of Mexican descent are the second most likely group to be U.S.-born (72%), followed by Panamanians (65%). Meanwhile, Venezuelans are much less likely to be U.S.-born (24%), given that many arrived relatively recently in the wake of the humanitarian crisis at home.

Figure 8. U.S.-Born Share of the Latino Population by Descent Group, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

A larger share of Latinos overall are U.S. citizens, but the citizen share grew more among Nicaraguans, Bolivians, and Chileans than other Latinos. 

Consistent with the increase in the U.S.-born share of the Latino population, the citizen share (including both U.S.-born and naturalized citizens) also increased overall (from 71% to 82%) and across all Latino groups. However, the citizen share grew at different rates by group. Citizenship increased the most among Nicaraguans (34 percentage points), Bolivians (31 points), and Chileans (31 points), and the least among Cubans (10 points), Venezuelans (14 points), Mexicans (14 points), and Hondurans (15 points). Latinos from Venezuela and the Central American countries of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala are much less likely to be citizens than their peers of other descent groups (see Figure 9).

Figure 9. Citizen Share of the Latino Population by Descent Group, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

More Latinos overall now speak only English at home, but Panamanians and Puerto Ricans are more likely than others to only speak English.

One-third of Latinos now report speaking only English at home, up from one-fifth in 2000. However, some groups are more likely to speak only English than others. Panamanians (52%) and Puerto Ricans (43%) are the most likely to speak only English at home. Meanwhile, Venezuelans (11%) and the largest Central American groups (Salvadorans, Hondurans, and Guatemalans) are much less likely to speak only English. Notably, Paraguayans are the only group that saw a decrease in its share of English-only speakers since 2000, likely due to a large number of new arrivals.

Figure 10. Share of Latinos Who Report Speaking English Only, by Descent Group, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

Additionally, fewer Latinos reported speaking English “not well” or “not at all” (in other words, had limited English proficiency) in 2020 compared to 2000. This share fell from 41% to 27% (see Figure 11). Almost all descent groups experienced an improvement in English proficiency, except Paraguayans and Venezuelans, two relatively small groups.

Figure 11. Share of Latinos Who Reported Speaking English “Not Well” or “Not at All” by Descent Group, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

Although educational attainment improved among Latinos overall, some groups (such as South Americans) are more likely to hold a college degree than others (such as Central Americans).

In the past two decades, the educational attainment of U.S. adults improved significantly across all racial and ethnic groups, including Latinos (see Figure 12). The proportion of Latinos with a bachelor’s degree or higher doubled in this time, from 10% to 20%. However, other racial and ethnic groups who started with higher educational attainment in 2000, including Whites and Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPI), also progressed significantly in the same period. As a result, Latinos still lag behind almost all racial groups on college graduation rates (except for Native Americans), largely due to financial constraints.⁴

Figure 12. Share of U.S. Adults (Ages 25 or Older) with at least a Bachelor’s Degree, by Race and Ethnicity, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online. 

However, some Latino groups have much higher college graduation rates than others. With the exception of Ecuadorians, South Americans are the most educated Latinos: more than half (53%) of Venezuelans have at least a bachelor’s degree, the highest share among all groups and higher than that of Whites and most other racial groups. Similarly, more than 40% of Argentineans, Chileans, and Bolivians have a bachelor’s degree or higher. Meanwhile, Latinos from the Northern Triangle region (Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador) and Mexico have much lower college graduation rates—between just 12% and 15%.

Figure 13. Share of Latinos (Ages 25 or Older) with at least a Bachelor’s Degree, by Descent Group, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

Latinos took the lead on labor force participation as the overall U.S. rate declined, with all descent groups experiencing higher participation rates than the U.S. average in 2020.

In the past two decades, the Latino labor force participation rate increased from 62% to 67%, surpassing the rates of all other groups (see Figure 14). Meanwhile, labor force participation fell for many racial groups amid population aging.

Figure 14. Share of U.S. Adults (Ages 16 or Older) in the Labor Force, by Race and Ethnicity, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

Almost all Latino groups, except Uruguayans, participate in the labor force at a higher rate today than they did in 2000 (see Figure 15). Venezuelans exhibited the largest growth (10 percentage points), followed by Nicaraguans and Cubans (8 points each), Costa Ricans (7 points), and Dominicans and Chileans (6 points each).

Figure 15. Share of Latinos (Ages 16 or Older) in the Labor Force, by Descent Group, 2000-2020

Note: The sample size for Paraguayans was too small to generate a statistically significant result.
Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

A smaller share of Latinos are experiencing poverty now compared to two decades ago; however, the poverty rate increased for Guatemalans, Paraguayans, and Uruguayans.

In the United States, poverty rates among minority groups fell in the past two decades, partly due to aggressive government interventions against poverty (see Figure 16).⁵ Latinos experienced the most drastic drop in poverty (6 percentage points); however, as in 2000, Latinos still had the third highest poverty rate among all racial and ethnic groups, after Native Americans and Blacks. 

Figure 16. Poverty Rate by Race and Ethnicity, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

As with other socioeconomic indicators, poverty rates vary significantly across Latino descent groups. South Americans generally have lower poverty rates, while Mexicans, Central Americans, and Puerto Ricans have higher rates (see Figure 17). Further, contrary to the overall trend, Guatemalans, Paraguayans, and Uruguayans experienced a slight increase in their poverty rate over the past two decades. Costa Ricans experienced the most significant decline in poverty rate (10 percentage points), followed by Mexicans and Bolivians (7 points each), Colombians, Puerto Ricans, and Dominicans (6 points each).

Figure 17. Poverty Rate of Latinos by Descent Group, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA, University of Minnesota, available online.

A greater share of Latinos own a home today; however, some descent groups (such as South Americans and Cubans) are more likely than others to be homeowners.

The homeownership rate among most racial minorities, including AAPI, Latinos, and Native Americans, improved significantly in the past two decades, while the rate for Whites remained constant (see Figure 18). In comparison, homeownership among Blacks declined. Despite the progress, Latinos still had the second lowest homeownership rate in 2020, slightly higher than that of the Black population.

Figure 18. Share of Individuals Live in Owned Homes by Race and Ethnicity, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey.

Similar to poverty rates, Latino groups show remarkable variation in homeownership. South Americans (except for Ecuadorians and Venezuelans) are more likely to reside in an owned home than Latinos overall. Meanwhile, although many Latino groups experienced growth in homeownership over the past two decades, Cubans, Paraguayans, and Venezuelans saw a decline (see Figure 19).

Figure 19. Share of Latinos Who Lived in an Owned Home, by Descent Group, 2000-2020

Source: LPPI analysis of the 2000 Decennial Census 1% sample and 2020 American Community Survey.

Endnotes

¹ Marc R. Rosenblum and Kate Brick, U.S. Immigration Policy and Mexican/Central American Migration Flows: Then and Now (Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute, 2011), available online.

² Tanya Golash-Boza and Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, “Latino Immigrant Men and the Deportation Crisis: A Gendered Racial Removal Program,” Latino Studies 11, 3 (2013): 271-292, available online.

³ Amelia Cheatham and Diana Roy, “Central America’s Turbulent Northern Triangle,” Council on Foreign Relations, June 22, 2022, available online.

⁴ Lauren Mora, “Hispanic Enrollment Reaches New High at Four-Year Colleges in the U.S., but Affordability Remains an Obstacle,” Pew Research Center, October 7, 2022, available online.

⁵ Danilo Trisi and Matt Saenz, Economic Security Programs Cut Poverty Nearly in Half Over Last 50 Years (Washington, DC: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, 2019), available online.

This work was made possible by the generous support of the W.K. Kellogg Foundation and Casey Family Programs. Featured photo by Rajiv Perera on Unsplash.